2012年2月28日星期二

Helplessness behind our British sentiment

Just less than 24 hours ago, Meryl Streep clinched her third Oscar for her outstanding portrait of former British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher in The Iron Lady. To the people of Hong Kong, the reign of the Baroness is exceptionally sentimental. While famous for her iron will against threats from trade unions and Labour Party to Argentina and the Soviet Union, she could do little to safeguard her nation's interest in Asia's last Crown Colony. So when she fell on the steps outside Beijing's Great Hall of People, it was almost certain that the days of colonial rule were numbered.

So in the summer of 1997, Britain handed over what the last Governor Chris Patten described as "the biggest dowry since Cleopatra" to the People's Republic of China. Besides hugh sums of fiscal reserve, Britain has left behind a lot of legacies, such as an efficient legal system, free flow of capital and information, and a decent (if not comprehensive) healthcare and education infrastructure. Nearly 15 years afterwards, they become the competitive edge that enable Hong Kong to be a leading commercial and financial centre, ranking side by side with its former ruler.

However, such an envied system is not without its flaws, most of them also being left behind by Britain. For instance, legislators in both administrations are virtually impossible to send a bill to the Legislative Council (Legco) and become a new law. Needless to say, the government has almost the unquestionable power to lay down law codes. Additionally, the creation of functional constituencies in Legco, inherited exactly from the colonial government, ensures that the establishment can control, or even manipulate, the legislation process.

A recent Wall Street Journal article examines the British sentiments among Hong Kong people's minds. The writer argues that Hong Kong once has the best of both worlds but now has the worst of both, and concludes that Hong Kong was better under the Union Jack. I will not speculate whether the writer advocates colonialism, but he has somehow omitted the dark side of the past regime, which caused many of woes we face today.

Crony capitalism is a good example. It started a lot earlier than the writer thinks. Taipans from major hongs like Jardines and HSBC once dominated the Executive Council, the de facto cabinet of the Governor. The current administration simply takes the idea, though not copying exactly the same arrangement. As one can imagine, this indestructible oligarchy is ideal for corruption to breed. It was not until the creation of Independent Commission Against Corruption in 1974 that the situation be improved substantially. Although many of the highly cited cases did not involved British officials, the fact that the colonial government could turn a blind eye to the problem for so long is utterly unintelligible to us.

The recent scandals surrounding the prominant runners for the CE election is yet another sign that Hong Kong's ruling class cannot deliver, perhaps even care about, what the general public expects. Many people, including the writer of the WSJ article, argues that democracy is the only way out. I do not oppose such an idea, but contrary to common beliefs, I am rather pessimistic on that. The colonial nostalgia we experience right now demonstrates to the whole world that the people of a world class city do not want to rule themselves. Self ruling does not necessarily imply independence, it merely means using our own efforts to solve problems. Without a will towards self reliance, we are simply surrendering our political power and accepting orders from someone at the top. Such a mentality exactly violates the very principal of democracy. This view might not be shared amongst most people, but the public's indifference towards such opinion somehow reflects their indifference towards democracy as well.

Hong Kong might not require someone like the Baroness as the next CE. But one thing is for sure: (s)he must be highly humble and sensitive while facing public opinions and criticisms. To bridge the gap between the advantaged and the disadvantaged as much as possible, (s)he has to initiate talks between the two. Looking at what is happening right now, a black and thick cloud of helplessness is overcasting the outlook of this territory.

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